COVID-19 Storyboard 03-24-20

- Details
- Published: Tuesday, 24 March 2020 20:01
- Written by Michael Yon
While the major news media hastily assessed the repercussions of last week’s sudden conclusion of the second Trump-Kim Summit in Hanoi, Vietnam, what has been transpiring for the past several months at the highest court in South Korea may also deserve much attention and commentary.
Read more: Forced to Work or Forced to Pay Over and Over Again Until Perpetuity?
By Marshall Wordsworth
The high-profile arrests of Huawei's CFO and Nissan's Chairman in the past several months, while they have made spectacular news headlines, the information presented to the general public by the media including the reasons for their apprehension barely scratches the surface of a much larger, more complex geopolitical ramifications that cannot be ignored.
Read more: The Huawei and Nissan Drama: A Staged, Camouflaged Public Spectacle
Finally, A Serious Scholarly Work on Comfort Women Translated into English
By Marshall Wordsworth
Professor Ikuhiko Hata, a premier authority on modern Japanese history, has finally managed to make available his highly-informative exhaustive research on comfort women to the English-speaking audience. His Comfort Women and Sex in the Battle Zone, an admirable English translation of his 1999 work Ianfu to Senjō no Sei (which had been referred to Comfort Women and Sexuality on the Battlefield in previous years) includes a few additional chapters to reflect on much of what has transpired in the past two decades concerning the issue of Imperial Japan’s military brothel system.
Read more: Book Review: Comfort Women and Sex in the Battle Zone
古森義久 (ジャーナリスト・麗澤大学特別教授)
「古森義久の内外透視 」
【まとめ】
・米有力上院議員補佐官が中国のスパイと指摘された。
・補佐官解雇後も財団事務局長として米韓で反日活動を展開。
・慰安婦問題利用した米国内での反日活動の主役は中国共産党。
By David Petraeus | PRISM Volume 7, No 1 | September 14, 2017
This interview was conducted by Dr. Joseph Collins and Mr. Nathan White for Lessons Encountered: Learning from the Long War, which was published by NDU Press in November 2015.
Can you tell us how your view of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan evolved during your various leadership assignments?
GEN Petraeus: When we were getting ready for what became the invasion of Iraq, the prevailing wisdom was that we were going to have a long, hard fight to Baghdad, and it was really going to be hard to take Baghdad. The road to deployment, which was a very compressed road for the 101st Airborne Division, started with a seminar on military operations in urban terrain, because that was viewed as the decisive event in the takedown of the regime in Iraq—that and finding and destroying the weapons of mass destruction.
There was the expectation of those who were presumably thinking about the Phase IV plan, after-hostilities, that the invasion would lop off the top level of the Saddamists, and then we would relatively expeditiously be able to hand off the responsibilities of governance to some new governing entity, which would exercise governance through the existing institutions of the state, albeit without the Saddamists. By Saddamists, I mean the true loyalists—this would not go down to Ba’ath party level four. It would be Saddam, level one, level two, perhaps some of the level three. But the professionals, if you will, the governing class, would largely remain in place, and there would be functioning governmental institutions that would resume their respective tasks.